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strong holds at Manassas. That they should thus have been permitted to escape will be a wonder to the world but it confirms what I have long believed that our army of the Potomac is controlled by traitors who have an understanding with the rebels. These men may have found it impracticable for many reasons to yield a victory to the rebels and rather than capture their force or meet them in battle, it was understood that that the cause of the Union could be more seriously damaged by the rebels withdrawing and striking a blow when superior numbers might give them a victory. The whole management of the war on the Potomac is without a parallel in all history for imbecility, treachery, cowardice and extravagance. Should the retreating rebels not attack Genl. Banks or Genl. Burnside, the probabilities I think are that the war is in a great degree ended, and the retreat was probably prompted by a consciousness of a sinking cause. Saturday 15th March 1862.

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     Called upon Genl. Lane to talk with him about Indian claims I had entrusted to his management, but he was very taciturn, only saying, he would now attend to my business. This is indeed all as a business man I could ask, but his whole manner was cold and destitute of cordiality. I felt indignant at this manifestation of indifference and perhaps should have expressed it; but Lane either is or affects to be deeply wounded by the explosion of his military projects he doubtless does feel the apparent and comparative neglect of the swarms of sycophants who clustered around him when he had offices to bestow and glory in prospect. I have more than once cautioned him against the selfishness and hypocracy of these flatterers and I trust his comparative solitude will now lead him to a juster estimate of his real friends.

Sunday 16th March 1862.

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     Prepared the following amendment to be placed on the Indian appropriation bill, and handed it to Augustus Wattles with the request that he would get some member of the Senate's committee on Indian Affairs to have it put in that bill. I should have done it myself but I have so much business before that committee that I am afraid of appearing too troublesome. This law I urged as essential to the protection of those poor creatures it is designed to benefit; for I have seen them

shamefully robbed among the Wyandots and among the Shawnees and I have no doubt it is done among all the tribes:
     And be it further enacted, That the Secretary of the Interior be and he is hereby directed to cause settlements to be made with all persons appointed by Indian Councils to receive moneys due to incompetent or orphan Indians, and to require all moneys found to be due to said incompetent or orphan Indians to be returned to the Treasury of the United States, and moneys so returned shall bear six per cent interest until paid by order of said Secretary to those entitled to the same; and no moneys shall hereafter be paid to persons appointed by any Indian Council to receive moneys due to incompetent or orphan Indians, but the same shall remain in the Treasury of the United States until ordered to be paid by the said Secretary to those entitled to receive them, and shall bear six per cent interest until so paid. Thursday 20th March, 1862

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     Called upon Genl. Lane who told me he would have the papers in the Wyandot cases refered to himself for examination and report tomorrow. Genl. Lane may act faithfully in his attention to my business but I have serious fears. Personally he treats me badly I have not seen one of his old enemies approach him who has not been treated with more cordiality. I have certainly done him some service when he needed it and did not expect such an exhibition of ingratitude.

Monday 24th March, 1862.

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     This evening I called to get Lane [to] assist me in getting the Wyandot papers into his hands so as to be able to report by Wednesday but he did not seem disposed to take any interest in the matter and treated me with marked neglect I shall not again go to his room. Both before his election and since he repeatedly assured me he would attend to any business I should have before Congress.

Wednesday 26th March, 1862.

     In my room most of the day under the influence of medicine.
     M^r Wattles spent an hour with me and informs me that there is a combination of men in power here to force the Indians in Kansas into treaties whereby their lands shall be secured to this association of Gov-

ernment officials. Senator James H. Lane of Kansas Commissioner Win. P. Dole and Secretary Caleb B. Smith are said to be concerned in this cruel and gigantic system of fraud.
     M^r Niles called to tell me that Genl. Lane assured him he would do all he could for M^rs Guthrie's claim and would see him this week again to look over the evidence. M^r N. insists that I must see Lane tomorrow and let him (Niles) know when Lane will see him. I dislike very much to call upon Lane his personal ill treatment of me has created a repugnance to visiting him which I shall feel it difficult to overcome.
     M^r Blake & Rev. M^r Richmond called to see me. M^r Richmond is now Chaplain to one of the Wisconsin regiments, and a few years ago made some noise in the world by being imprisoned by the Austrian authorities in Hungary for, as he says, nothing more than some thoughtless expressions of sympathy for nations struggling for freedom. How long, at the present rate of travelling toward despotism, will it be till men shall be imprisoned in this country for like offenses? The imbecility of this administration is only equaled by its cruelty, its tyrany, and total disregard of law and every principle of justice. Are we really to have three years more of this execrable reign? This disgraceful rebellion might have been suppressed long ago and at half the expense already incurred, had it but suited the interests of those at the head of affairs to have done so. Thursday 27th March, 1862.

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     Called to tell Mr. Niles that Genl. Lane would be at leisure this evening to examine the papers in M^rs G's case.
     M^r Niles after seeing Genl. Lane called to see me and I agreed to give him five hundred dollars if he would get my Wyandot claims through at the same time as M^rs Guthrie's, to which he agreed. I have done this because I am not well enough to bear Lane's stupid indifference without retaliating which would probably get up ill blood and possibly cause him to oppose me, for he is sometimes governed by the merest trifles, and never by reason and justice except as he is importuned into it.

Friday 28th March, 1862.

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     Had a good deal of conversation with young Doolittle, clerk of the

Senate's Com. on Indian Affairs from which I learn Genl. Lane has never given the least attention to my business notwithstanding all his promises. The cool ingratitude and heartless stolidity of this man astounds me! And yet I must not tell him what I think of his conduct! Monday 31st March, 1862.

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     Went with Judge Helfenstein to see M^r Campbell Chairman of the House Committee on the Pacific rail road. My object was to get Quinardo and Atchison named as points in the bill, but M^r C. says his Committee are unwilling to name any other point than the one now named Kansas City; this of course gives that town an immense advantage over all others and particularly in Kansas. Thus we see the revolting spectacle of men whom Kansas has made, for Kansas gave the Republican party to the world, enriching the enemies of the Government and the very men who resorted to every means fair and foul to drive the anti-slavery population of Kansas from their new homes, and I who made Kansas civilly and more remotely the Republican party am without influence among or benefit from the very men who owe all they are to the almost immediate results of my labors.
     I read with feelings of the deepest grief and alarm an editorial in the Daily Globe of this city of this date advocating the establishment of a large standing army in this country. If this is to be the result of the subjugation of the rebels I have no hesitation in saying that it would have been better to yield their success without a struggle if that alternative would have exempted us from the curse of a standing army; but it would not. I only measure evils on the supposition that the acceptance of one would secure us against the other. I am satisfied the war was necessary to preserve the simplicity of our form of government; and if managed with but ordinary wisdom this would speedily have been attained. But with an imbecile head it is not strange that the same incompetency should pervade every branch of the public service.

April 1st Tuesday 1862

     M^r Augustus Wattles came to see me and says some radical measure will be adopted in regard to the Indian tribes. At the extra Session of Congress in July last I prepared a bill setting apart the Indian country south of Kansas for the colonization and permanent home of

all the Indian tribes East of the Rocky Mountains but Senator Lane of Kansas (of whom I expected better things) opposed the measure -- opposed any measure designed for their melioration; and would not present my bill except to oppose the policy. At this session M^r Wattles has also undertaken a similar project in behalf of the Indians, but we concluded it was better to wait until the next session of Congress. But it seems both friends and foes of the Indian are impatient to have something done for or with the Indiana. I have therefore undertaken to prepare another bill with which I shall take more pains and much subsequent reflection will enable me to make it more perfect. Sunday 6th March [April] 1862

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     This evening I have written a letter to Horace Greeley about the dangers and troubles of the country. The hasty and inconsiderate legislation of Congress, the arbitrary acts of the Executive, the dilatory if not treacherous conduct of the military, the vast proportion of the Negro question all fill my mind with the saddest forebodings. And I believe our only means of avoiding total ruin is to unite while we may the councils of true men and elect to office men who will carry out a policy dictated by calm and earnest patriotism. We must reorganize party with a wide and more comprehensive basis of principles.

Wednesday, 9th April, 1862

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     Have learned that Lane has totally neglected my business although he has several times assured me he would have it all done just as I wished. Why he should so persistently lie to me and deceive me I can not imagine for he is certainly under some obligations to me and even if he were not I am entitled to fair and open dealing. He is an enigma to me. I often think be is insane, or his extraordinary moral obliquity at least often produces effects so nearly like it that one is in doubt as to the true origin of his aberation of mind. Pomeroy on the contrary has greatly exceeded my expectations in ability, industry, fidelity and reliableness, and makes himself respected by friends and foes.

Thursday 17th April, 1862

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     Called at the Senate document room and got a copy of the bill introduced into the Senate yesterday by Genl. Pomeroy for the organization of the Territory of Lanniway. This bill I prepared myself with the view of securing a permanent home for the Indians. On reading it as printed, I find some errors which may have been in the manuscript; and some omissions I did not detect before. Having the whole thing before me now in a printed form I think I can make such corrections and alterations as will effect the object I have in view -- A suitable government for the Indians under which they may live in peace and security.

Thursday 24th April, 1862.

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     I found among the papers a private letter to Lane in reference to this and other business which could not but have prejudiced my interests. Lane may have put this letter in inadvertantly but a man who would thus by negligence do an act so injurious to one trusting in him is unworthy of confidence and official position of any kind. Lane is really one of the most unprincipled men I ever knew without a particle of honor, gratitude, or honesty. No wonder the country goes to ruin when such men rule it.

Friday 25th April, 1862.

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     Called to see Genl. Lane twice to get him to recommend Col. Chas Sims to the President as a suitable person for the office of Superintendent of the new mint (to be) at Denver City. Lane signed it with apparent cheerfulness, saying he would do anything be could for Col. Sims. All this looked most encouraging, but when I called on Genl. Pomeroy he said both be and Lane had signed a recommendation for another person! and of course [could not] consistently sign this. He said besides Genl. Lane's brother in Indiana was a candidate for the same office and he thought Genl. Lane had a promise in favor of his brother. Now if these things are so how much more honest and satisfactory would it have been if Genl. Lane had frankly stated all the facts! What is there to be gained by such double dealing?

Thursday, 8th May 1862.

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     Called to see Genl. Pomeroy who informs me that Lane did not attend the meeting of the Indian Committee on Wednesday although he told me the night previous he would do so. Was ever man more destitute of gratitude and truthfulness? Lane's treachery and falsehood give me much trouble and anxiety. He occupies a place in which he obstructs my business; if he were away I should get along much better. His conduct is entirely inexplicable. Nothing but a heart as black as hell could impel a man to so much baseness as this man is guilty [of], meantime I am the victim. My whole soul is filled with anguish from the discouragements, ill treatment, and embarrassments that overwhelm [me]; and but for my poor family I had far rather be in my grave than thus submit to these oppressions, and humiliations. I cannot withdraw my mind from the wretched condition to which I am reduced.

Wednesday 21st May, 1862.

     A day of disappointment and mortification. As the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs were to meet, I went to see Genl. Lane to urge him to attend the meeting as he has all my business under his management and professes to feel a deep interest in it. But he told me he could not attend. I then went to M^r Niles my Attorney and recommended by Lane and requested him to see Lane and urge upon him the necessity of his attendance. This he promised to do and at once wrote a letter to Lane upon the subject. This letter I sent into Lane by his son. Lane attended the meeting and the Committee agreed to report favorably on M^rs Guthrie's claim. I afterward visited the Committee room myself and M^r Doolittle, Jr, the clerk told me he was then making out the law the Committee proposed to pass. I then went into the Senate gallery and soon after saw M^r Doolittle Jr take some papers to M^r Harlan who after examining them took them to Lane who on looking over them hastily took his pen and erased several lines. I afterwards learned these were the law for the relief of M^rs Guthrie and that Lane had struck out all that was essential in the case. The law or joint resolution as it now remains is worth just nothing at all and I could months ago have had settled more to my satisfaction without any trouble. The Committee has twice

agreed to this claim and why Lane should thus defeat it after pretending to be its principal champion is really a mystery. But the mystery might be solved if we could understand the business of M^r Legate, Abbott's (the Shawnee Agent) Agent here. Lane has evidently betrayed me and that treachery has been brought about by some underderstanding [sic] between Lane, Abbott, and Legate. I have no words to express my indignation at, and detestation of this baseness. Lane's treachery and ingratitude are the most gross it has been my misfortune to experience. But he shall yet pay the full penalty of his villainy.
     This evening I called to see Genl. Lane and met M^r Niles there Lane pretends to have done all he could to secure a more favorable issue. The audacity of the scoundrel is most consumate. Sunday 25th May, 1862.

     Called to see Genl. Pomeroy to show him the law introduced by Senator Harlan for the relief of M^rs Guthrie and proposed to him to have it amended, he was willing to sustain it, but told me that my interviews with Senators Harlan and Wilkinson in reference to this claim had predjudiced them against the claim because in conversation I claimed that the republican party originated in my efforts for a government for Nebraska (now Kansas) As no intelligent truthful man can controvert this fact I presume the feeling excited against me was that it was presumption in me to claim a merit which they all think themselves to some extent entitled to. So it seems that it matters not what a man's merits are if not supported by successful ambition, they are to be ignored even by those who reap the beneficial fruits of them. After Nebraska (Kansas) was organized I determined to live a quiet simple life on my little farm and so far as I could, I have adhered to that resolution. And because I have not kept myself in the public eye, these great men think it preposterous that I should lay any claim to the important service I have performed! I will yet be the pen of these political ingrates and make them feel the injustice of their dastardly conduct.
     Called to see Genl. Lane who told me the same as Genl. Pomeroy and Senator Doolittle has also conceived a prejudice against me. I do not happen to have the graces of a courtier and talk to these men as I would talk to other men; but they seem to expect a deference that I cannot conceive them entitled to. The jealousy of power always

makes it anxious to forget all to whom it is indebted. I would certainly not have gone to see one of these Senators had Lane given any attention to my business. I have now been here five months and the business I have entrusted to Lane is no further advanced than when I came; indeed it is in a much worse condition, and it was not until I was forced by his neglect and repeated falsehoods that I called upon other Senators and for the first time on the tenth of this month and then only on those I heard were hostile to M^rs G's claim so that my interviews with them could not have produced their opposition but I am satisfied that Lane's negative support did. His treachery and ingratitude are most wanton and inexplicable. I shall find it impossible to forget it. Friday 6th June, 1862.

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     Made some corrections in the bill to organize the Territory of Lenniwa, for the benefit of the Indians. This bill I prepared myself but find much to correct in it. Senator Pomeroy introduced it into the Senate.

Saturday 7th June 1862.

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     Wrote a letter to Senator J. R. Doolittle enclosing a slip from the New York Tribune of the 7th March of this year, containing an article written by myself in support of the organization of the Territory South of Kansas for the exclusive benefit of the Indians, and also a copy of the bill introduced into the Senate by Genl. Pomeroy for that purpose, with such amendments as I thought necessary to render the organization effective. This bill as originally prepared by me covered a large amount of manuscript and as it was prepared at different times, some confusion and omissions occurred which I have endeavored to arrange and correct. I have great confidence in the success of the plan if controlled by good men, but under any circumstances the Indians can be no worse off than they are now.

Thursday 12th June, 1862

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     Sent a letter written, written three or four days ago, to Horace Greely with a copy of the Report of the House Committee on Elections on my claim for mileage and per diem as delegate from Nebraska.

     Mr Greeley or some one for him, in an article on Nebraska, Kansas, in the Tribune Almanac of 1866, stated that Thomas Johnson, was the first delegate from Kansas (Nebraska.) This does me the greatest injustice as Johnson was not heard of until after I had represented the Territory one session of Congress and had obtained the passage of the bill for the organization of the Territory through the House, but the session being a short one it failed in the Senate for want of time. Friday 27th June, 1862.

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     Today it is said Genl. Pope has been put in command of the armies under Genls. Banks, Fremont, McDowell, & Shields [-----] except McDowell whom I regard as a traitor or wholly destitute of military talents. I have no doubt these Generals are individually as competent as Pope, but as they are volunteers, and have never been through West Point, it is the design of the graduates of that institution, to deprive them of all means and opportunities of distinguishing themselves, and for this reason their forces have been kept so small that they have been able to do really nothing and besides have been crippled by the arbitary orders of their superiors; the result too of West Point jealousy. Such reflections and conclusions at least seem justified by the result; while the public are not permited to know what takes place behind the curtains. West Point through its graduates now rules the destinies of this country and are as rapidly revolutionizing the government as the rebels, and are more dangerous to the liberties of the country; for they are overthrowing its institutions under the guise and pretense of loyalty and therefore excite no suspicions of their infamous designs, while [the] country sees only the open efforts of the rebels.

Tuesday, July 1, 1862.

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     To-day I got a Wyandot newspaper in which I find all my land advertised for sale to satisfy claims against the Quindaro Company. Of this debt I never received one cent and am now entirely ruined by the villainy of Charles Robinson who has grown rich by plundering me. The appraisement is so low too as if for the very purpose of making my ruin the more certain. I am a good deal indebted too,

for this misfortune to my kindness to these creditors whom I favored as far as in my power allowing judgments to go by default when I could have made a defense and thus have kept back judgment a long time. I have no language that could even remotely express the anguish these things occasion me; were it not for the hope that my poor family will be saved from starvation by the success of M^rs Guthrie's Shawnee claim, I should sink into the grave from utter despair. God alone can sustain and guide me under such distressing circumstances. Has God no punishment for such villains? Why should they be allowed to rob the innocent and unwary? This infamous wretch never experienced any thing but kindness and boundless generosity from myself and my poor family until his true character was developed and even then I long bore in silence the crushing wrong in the vain hope that shame or contrition would bring him to some sense of justice. I have found the laws unequal to a remedy; he has had them so made as to suit himself and thus with his own perjuries and those of his confederates I am entirely powerless and utterly ruined without the hope of legal redress. Friday July 4th 1862

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     I have made up my mind to be an independent candidate for Congress in Kansas, and commenced writing an address to the people of the State some days ago, but have been too unwell to finish it; if I can get money enough to pay the expense of the contest I think I shall succeed - otherwise doubtful. It would appear strange that so humble and now so obscure an individual should succeed in so important an election. But I feel impelled to make the trial because there are many public measures I would like to bring forward in Congress; because I think more independent men are wanted in Congress; because I have done more for Kansas than any other citizen.

Tuesday 22nd July, 1862.

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     Talked with Genl. Lane about getting some military appointment for M^r Cobb. He said M^rs Dole had spoken to him on the same subject; that he was authorized by the president to organize and equip an army of fifty thousand Negroes, and would start for Kansas for

that purpose in a day or two and if M^r Cobb would call and see him he thought he could give him as good a place as he had wished. I have not much faith in the promises of Lane, but think with M^rs Dole's solicitation and his own interest M^r Cobb will be offered a place on Lane's staff. Although I look upon the whole scheme as chimerical and expensive, and frought with more danger than benefits. Wrote to S. A. Cobb. Monday 28th July, 1862.

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     Finished an address to the people of Kansas proposing to run as a candidate for Congress. I feel this office is due me for past services and if I had only the gift of gab I believe I should as an independent candidate be elected. Still I feel it a kind of duty, to offer and trust to the justice of the people.

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