TERRITORIAL DELEGATES.
Whoever attempts to write history for the
people of Nebraska, or sketch the career of prominent citizens,
meets with many impediments. So young is the State, that many of
the actors are still in stage costume, and extremely sensitive as
to any criticism upon the performers or the play. Scenes that were
thrilling to them and heralded as tragic, divested of their
surroundings may innocently by strangers be classed as
comical.
An eloquent author once said: "Every attempt to
present on paper the splendid effects of impassioned eloquence, is
like gathering up dewdrops, which appear jewels and pearls on the
grass, but run to water in the hand the essence and the elements
remain, but the grace, the sparkle, and the form are gone." And so
when the writer erects a statue upon the historic page and
exclaims, "Behold the man!" the disappointed reader may demand,
"What of the electric current that warmed the heart, illumined the
eye, and flushed the cheek; what of the hopes that impelled, the
fears that retarded, the placidity or turbulence that dominated
the inner life?" In spite of all hindrances and discouragements,
with an apology to the "old settler," and a salutation to the
new-comer and his juvenile family, the writer enters upon the
theme, Nebraska in Congress.
Her first appearance before the government was
as a very diminutive, nameless infant in arms, when in April,
1803, France, by treaty, gave her mother Louisiana away, in
marriage, to "Uncle Sam." In 1804 Louisiana was erected into two
territories, called Orleans and District of Louisiana, and
provision was made for
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the formation of a State Constitution for the Territory of
Orleans whenever the population reached 60,000. Having acquired
the. specified amount in 1810, an Enabling Act was passed in 1811,
and in 1812 the Territory of Orleans with the name of Louisiana
was admitted into the Union as a state; leaving the balance of the
purchase for future disposal.
The Louisiana purchase cost the United States
$11,250,000; and such an amount due the citizens of the United
States, from France, as should not exceed $3,750,000.
It was bounded north by the British possessions,
south by Mexico, and west by the Rocky Mountains, and is to-day
included in the states of Louisiana, Arkansas, Missouri, Kansas,
Nebraska, North and South Dakota, and parts of Colorado, Wyoming,
Montana, and Idaho.
The name of Louisiana was changed to Missouri
Territory in 1812, and later the southern part became the
Territory of Arkansas. The necessary steps being taken, a part
known as Missouri be-came a state June, 1821. As Missouri was
coming in as a slave state, the free states demanded "a setoff,"
hence the Missouri Compromise was enacted, to quiet "slavery
agitation forever," and this, when ruthlessly repealed in the
Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854, precipitated the "death to slavery
forever" struggle. By that notable act, all new states
subsequently formed north of parallel of thirty-six degrees and
thirty minutes, dividing the Louisiana Purchase, should come in
free or slave, as the people might determine. And so a protecting
barrier was erected between Nebraska and slave territory for a
term of thirty-three years, ending in 1854.
This same line was extended through Texas, under
certain conditions, on her admission to the Union in 1845. In
1850, when the Union was endangered by the fiery discussion over
the admission of California as a free state, the doctrine of
non-intervention as to slavery was affirmed; and when it was
enacted in the organic law of Nebraska that the Missouri
Compromise was "inoperative and void," and slavery was a question
exclusively for the people to settle, Senator Benton of Missouri
declared the
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statement was "a stump speech injected into the belly of the
bill." Had Nebraska then been as far south as Kansas, border
warfare would have desolated her plains, murdered citizens, and
laid homes and cities in ashes.
Nebraska was introduced to congress, by name, in
1844, when a bill to define her boundaries was presented to the
House of Representatives. In 1854 the step-daughter was considered
of sufficient age to commence superintending her future estate,
under the directions and instructions contained in a law of
congress denominated the Organic Act.
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33rd Congress, 1855; Jan. 5 to Mar. 4.
In order to "set up housekeeping" in
accordance with the customs and manners of the elder sisterhood, a
selection of an agent, in that behalf, was made on the 12th day of
December, 1854. The student of history will remember that Napoleon
Bonaparte was a prime factor in behalf of France in Mr.
Jefferson's negotiations for Louisiana, and the reader of the
annals of Nebraska notes the fact that Napoleon B. Giddings, of
Missouri, was her first delegate in Congress.
The election took place seven months from the
date of the Organic Act of May 30th, 1854. Voting precincts had
been designated at twelve places in eight counties adjacent to the
Missouri River. Of 800 votes, Mr. Giddings received 377, which was
a majority over any one candidate's vote, though a minority of the
whole number cast. On the 5th day of January, 1855, just
twenty-four days after the election, the Congressional Globe has
the following entry:
The term for which he was elected was to expire on the ensuing 4th of March, within about two months. A few days before the advent of Mr. Giddings to the House, Mr. Mace of Indiana introduced a bill modifying the Kansas-Nebraska law, and re-enacting the Missouri Compromise act to protect Nebraska from slavery, and for the admission of Kansas as a free state, which failed to pass. Hon. Thomas Hart Benton of Missouri, formerly Senator, having to be absent for a few days, left a short speech to be read for him by a colleague, in
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which he deprecated the opening up of the slavery discussion on
general principles, but especially for fear of retarding
emigration, which was so desirable to aid and encourage the
construction of a Pacific railroad. Admitting the border
ruffianism of Missouri, he claimed it was the natural product of
New England Colonization Societies, from which he had from the
first anticipated evil.
Bills were introduced by Mr. Giddings as
follows: To establish post roads; to protect the proprietors of
towns in their town sites; to establish land offices; and for
surveying, marking, and opening roads. He offered amendments to
establish an arsenal in Nebraska, and to allow $50,000 for public
buildings. On the 31st day of January he wound up his legislative
career by the delivery of his maiden speech. Mr. Giddings
said:
A very short speech of a very short term, and so passed the Napoleon of Nebraska from public observation, returning to his home in Savannah, Missouri.
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The second election for delegate to congress
took place November 6, 1855, at which Bird B. Chapman received 380
votes and Hiram P. Bennet 292, according to the returns of the
canvassing board. Mr. Bennet instituted a contest which resulted
in the presentation of a resolution by the committee on elections
declaring that Bird B. Chapman was not entitled to the seat. Each
argued his side of the case before the committee, and in open
session before the House of Representatives.
In the house Mr. Stephens of Georgia specially
championed the cause of the sitting member, while Washburn of
Maine argued in favor of the contestant. It was a contest to
reconcile serious irregularities and to eliminate from the count
fraudulent votes. Of the two speeches in the house, Bennet's alone
appears in the Globe.
Mr. Bennet complained seriously that after the
case had been closed before the committee, and each claimant had
been so informed, ex parte testimony had been received and
incorporated in the minority report:
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The Hon. Geo. W. Jones, United States Senator from Iowa, having volunteered an endorsement of the veracity of Mr. Sharp, received the speaker's attention:
It is true, this deponent was once a member of the Iowa legislature, and while there I believe he supported the election of the Hon. Geo. W. Jones to the senate. Mr. Speaker, one good turn deserves another, and the senator comes to the rescue of his former constituent.The contestant seems from the record, to have been neither a novice in debate, nor timid in attacks. Having parried several thrusts from the keen rapier of the mercurial Stephens, he exclaimed in a tone of exultation, "Mr. Speaker, the gentleman from Georgia has not quite got me yet." Of the sitting delegate, Mr. Chapman, he said:
The gentleman alluded to his residence in the Territory of Nebraska. Now, I know, Sir, that that is mere claptrap talk; but as he has alluded to it I will answer it. He says when he went to the Territory, thus and so. He went to the Territory the year that the territorial government was organized. He was a candidate for Congress before be got there. He happened to be beaten very badly at the election and the next day after the election he went home to Ohio, and we saw nothing more of him. Yes, we--the squatters of Nebraska--saw nothing more of him until thirty-five days before the election of a delegate last November, when he came back into the Territory. He had to be there forty days to entitle him to vote. He was not a voter, and did not vote at that election. Nevertheless, by getting all of the executive influence of the Territory in his favor he ran a pretty good race; but I beat him. That is, I beat him before the people, but he beat me before the canvassers--all of whom were my personal and political enemies. One word further in reference to this matter. For the purpose of serving a notice upon the sitting delegate, that I intended to take testimony to use in the contest for his seat, I inquired of him last January, in that lobby, where his residence was. In truth he did not know where it was; and I could not serve a notice at his residence in the Terri-
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It is a source of regret that the speech of
Mr. Chapman does not appear in the Globe, as there is no way to
restore the oratorical equilibrium. On the final vote there were
sixty-three members of the house in favor of unseating Chapman,
and sixty-nine opposed--so the contest failed. A resolution
finally closed the case, on the 25th of July, 1856, allowing the
retiring contestant mileage and per them up to date. The allusions
to Mr. Chapman's citizenship are corroborated in Nebraska
history.
Hon. J. Sterling Morton is reported as saying of
the first election for delegate in Congress, December 12,
1854:
In order to parry the point of this truthful
charge, be it remembered that this was prior to legislation in
Nebraska. Mr. Bennett had not only "come to stay," but was a
member of the legislature from Otoe County in 1854 and again in
1859, and was justified in regarding Bird B. Chapman as a Bird of
passage.
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Dec. 7, 1857 to Mar. 3, 1859.
Fenner Ferguson, who was appointed Chief
Justice October 12, 1854, was elected delegate to Congress August,
1857, and was sworn in upon the 7th day of December, 1857.
On the 16th day of September, 1857, Bird B.
Chapman, who had been a candidate for re-election, served notice
of contest. It appears that there had been four candidates before
the people, and the votes were distributed as follows: Fenner
Ferguson, 1,642; Bird B. Chapman, 1,559; Benjamin P. Rankin,
1,241; John M. Thayer, 1,171. After one-half the time had elapsed
for the taking of testimony, the contestant served notice November
14th, but the member elect had left the Territory for Washington,
D. C., the notice being left at his usual place of residence. At
the time specified, testimony was taken in the absence of Ferguson
or any one by him authorized to act. A person, however, did
appear, and informed the contestant, that unless he was allowed to
cross-question witnesses, certain Mormons would not testify for
the contestant. If Chapman had inaugurated a game of delay, the
tables were turned upon him, on the 3rd of December, when Silas A.
Strickland, agent for Ferguson, left notice at Chapman's residence
for the taking of testimony on the 14th of the month, Chapman
being absent from the Territory.
As a way out of these complications the
committee on elections, April 21, 1858, reported a resolution to
the House, to extend the time for taking testimony, which would
virtually send the case over to the next session of Congress. That
was passed by a vote of ninety-eight to eighty-five. Before this
action of the House, January, 1858, the legislature of Nebraska
passed joint resolutions, in the name of a large majority of the
people, affirming belief in Mr. Ferguson's election and in his
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"capacity, integrity, fidelity and incorruptibility," and
indignantly repelling all foul aspersions cast upon him, for the
purpose of prejudicing his right to a seat in Congress. The House
of Representatives, feeling that the Nebraska legislature had
overstepped the bounds of propriety by attempting to indicate
their duty in settling the status of members, on motion, laid the
resolutions on the table without printing. Accordingly, additional
testimony having been taken, the committee, by a majority, decided
in favor of Mr. Chapman; which report was taken up in the House
February 9, 1859.
Mr. Wilson of Indiana said, in behalf of the
contestant: "This whole case turns upon three
precincts--Cleveland, Monroe, and Florence." There were but six
voters residing in the Cleveland precinct and but five dwellings
therein, and yet there were thirty-five votes cast, eighteen or
twenty by persons erecting a hotel for the Cleveland Land Company,
who voted for the sitting member and whose votes the committee
rejected. He charged, further, that in the Mormon precinct of
Monroe, where there were forty Mormon voters, and only five other
persons residing there, the vote cast was eighty-seven, of which
the sitting member, Ferguson, received eighty-three, and
contestant one. And that before the polls were formally opened
forty votes had been cast, as a large number of men came there at
two o'clock in the morning, voted and went away. He said: "In the
Monroe precinct appear names which of themselves are prima
facie evidence of fraud--Oliver Twist and Samuel Weller." In
the Florence precinct, 401 votes were returned, where the polls
were kept open three hours later than allowed by law, of which 364
were for the sitting member and four for the contestant. One
person voted four times and at least "one hundred persons were
unknown to the oldest settlers."
Mr. Wilson charged in addition that none of the officers in
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these three precincts were sworn by a legal officer, as though
they intended fraud from the very start. In justification of the
committee's decision, he quoted many precedents for the rejection
of votes, and though it was late in the Congress, eighteen months
after the election, he demanded prompt action, and concluded:
"Looking over the elections for the last few years in the
Territories, it does seem to me that a certificate of election
from a Territory has become almost prima facie evidence of
a great fraud committed."
The beautiful superstructure erected by the
ingenuity of the gentleman from the state of Indiana was adroitly
attacked by the wide-awake member from the state of Maine, Mr.
Washburn:
In reply to Davis of Maryland, Mr. Washburn said:
The gentleman piles up precedents as high as Olympus, but I will never receive hearsay testimony to affect the rights of parties. It is not law, it is not sense, and indeed, Sir, it is not good nonsense. [Laughter.] No man can stand upon it. I have known several persons of the surname of Twist and Weller. and I want the gentleman to inform me whether it is impossible, or even improbable, that among all the Twists there is not an Oliver, or among all the Wellers there is not a Samuel? [Laughter.] And if so, why
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After Mr. Washburn had examined precedents
and testimony, he was followed by Mr. Boyce of South Carolina, who
stated that formerly the law in Nebraska did not close the polls
at 6 P. M.; that the young men working at Cleveland Hotel building
made their homes wherever they found work; that there were nearer
one hundred than merely forty resident voters at Monroe and that
fifteen votes were cast at Florence after six o'clock. Many other
members participated in the discussion, and when it was closed,
"confusion so confounded" led to an effort to declare the seat
vacant, and finally a compromise laid the whole subject on the
table, leaving Ferguson in the chair; and the day before the
session and Congress closed, a resolution passed awarding Chapman
six thousand dollars, salary and mileage. Thus endeth the second
contest.
From the number of bills introduced and
arguments made before the committees on Public Lands, Indian
Affairs, Judiciary, Public Buildings, and others, there is every
reason to believe that the legislature did not overestimate the
"capacity, integrity, and fidelity" of their delegate.
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Oct. 11, 1859 (election) to May 13, 1860.
Mr. Estabrook was born in 1813 in the state
of New Hampshire. At the age of forty-two years, in 1855, he
settled in the Territory of Nebraska. He was a student of
Dickinson College, Pa., and a law student of Chambersburg, in the
same state. He graduated in 1839. His time was occupied as a clerk
at the Brooklyn navy yard for a short time, as an attorney at
Buffalo, N. Y., for one year, and fifteen years at Geneva Lake,
Wisconsin. His elections were: Attorney General of Wisconsin,
member of the Wisconsin legislature, and member of the Nebraska
Constitutional Convention of 1871. His appointments were: Attorney
General of Nebraska by President Pierce, 1855, and Commissioner
for Codification of Laws of Nebraska, 1871. A good citizen and an
honorable lawyer may become his epitaph.
On the 18th day of May, 1860, Mr. Campbell of
Ohio, from the committee on elections, called up the following
resolutions:
This was a unanimous report, agreed upon alike by Democrats and Republicans. Mr. Estabrook belonged to the former and Mr. Daily to the latter party. The election had taken place on October 11, 1859. The canvassing board gave Mr. Estabrook 3,100 votes and Mr. Daily 2,800, or a majority for Estabrook of 300 votes. Of these 292 were reported coming from Buffalo County, but of that number 238 were cast in Kearney City which is not in the county of Buffalo. Mr. Campbell said: "The testimony discloses the fact that there were not over eight houses, not over fifteen residents, and not one acre of cultivated land, or a
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farm house in the neighborhood of Kearney City. Nor was Buffalo County organized." Therefore "the entire vote was rejected as illegal and spurious." All of the spurious votes were given to Estabrook and not one to Daily. The vote of Calhoun County was rejected because it was attached for voting purposes to Platte County, and though having only two families in the northwest and four in the southeast part, had returned thirty-two votes, twenty-eight for Estabrook and four for Daily. Mr. Campbell said:
As to the vote of Izard County, the committee rejected the twenty-one votes cast for the sitting member, and the three cast for the contestant, as the entire vote purporting to have been polled in that county was a fraud, and that no such vote was ever polled. * * * If there had been any settlers there, if there had been one acre of cultivated land, if there had been a single voter in the county, if there had been an election precinct, and if there had been officers who held an election there, how easy it would have been for the sitting delegate, after full notice, to have brought one of these twenty-four voters, one of these election officers, to show that there was a settlement and that an election had been held and that there were votes cast in the county of Izard.In L'Eau-qui-Court County, 128 votes were reported, all for Mr. Estabrook, while a member of the legislature swore that there were only from thirty to thirty-five votes in the county. The names of members of Congress were entered on the poll book as Howell Cobb and Aaron V. Brown, and two messengers who procured a copy of the poll book from the clerk were mobbed by parties who declared, "as they were parties to the fraud, they would never suffer any evidence of it to leave the county." These figures of 128 were reduced to sixty, and a majority of 119 votes were awarded to the contestant on a final adjustment of all the votes cast. In conclusion, Mr. Campbell said:
The learned and able members of the committee who are friends to the sitting delegate,--and I trust all the members of the committee were disposed to do that which was simply right,--could not find in the case evidence enough to found a minority report on.
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Mr. Estabrook desired to make a motion to recommit the ease to the committee. Mr. Campbell said:
The motion which the gentleman is about to make has been made in the house once, and rejected there, or referred to the committee of elections, and argued and rejected there.Mr. Gartrell desired the sitting member should have more time, and said:
I desire to say in justification to myself that while I voted in favor of ousting the sitting delegate and giving the seat to the contestant, I did so upon the ground that the record evidence before the committee disclosed that the contestant was clearly elected. I did not vote for ousting Mr. Estabrook with any idea that he or his friends in Nebraska had perpetrated any fraud.Finally, when Mr. Estabrook desired to speak more at length on some other day, and thought he could clear the Territory of charges of fraud, and admitted that "there always is irregularity on the frontier and you ought not to hold the frontiers of the country to the strict rules of law," the House desired him to close his remarks at that time. But when he declined to do so the final question was ordered, and Mr. Daily was sworn in on the 18th of May, 1860. That being the date of the convention that was to nominate Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Estabrook exclaimed, "I thank the House for making me a sacrifice to the gods of the Chicago convention." Thus endeth the third contest.
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Samuel G. Daily of Indiana effected a settlement at Peru, Nemaha County, Nebraska, in 1857; and before the permanent organization of the Republican party in the Territory, was free to avow his utter hostility to the institution of American slavery. One year prior to this, the first National Republican Convention assembled in Philadelphia, Pa., and nominated for president John C. Fremont, and for vice-president William L. Dayton of New Jersey; while a remnant of the old Whig party nominated Ex-President Millard Fillmore of New York. Mr. Daily had thoroughly adopted the doctrines of the platform:
That we deny the authority of congress or of a territorial legislature, or of any individual or association of individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any territory of the United States while the present constitution shall be maintained. Ready and willing to do all in his power in
aid of these principles, he was elected to the territorial
legislature in 1858, and as a delegate in Congress contested the
election of Mr. Estabrook in 1859. In 1860 he was a candidate for
Congress, subsequent to Mr. Lincoln's nomination, and made a very
thorough canvass of the Territory with Mr. Morton, his democratic
opponent. In 1862 be succeeded in defeating Judge J. F. Kinney of
Nebraska City, and closed a third term in Congress.
On his retirement, Mr. Lincoln gave him the
appointment of deputy collector of the port of New Orleans, where
he died in September, 1865.
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