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     On the second day of April, 1870, the Nebraska Annual Conference of the M. E. Church then in session at Fremont, adopted the following resolutions:

     Resolved, 1. That there be held during the month of June at Plattsmouth, a Methodist State Convention, consisting of all the traveling preachers, and two laymen from each charge, to be elected by the first quarterly Conference, held on each charge, for the consideration of such questions as may relate to the interests of Methodism in Nebraska.

     2. That a committee of six be appointed, to consist of the Presiding Elders, and one Elder from each District, to make all necessary arrangements for said Convention.

     The committee called for by the second resolution was constituted, of Rev's T. B. Lemon, C. W. Giddings, A. G. White, G. S. Alexander, J. G. Miller and G. De La Matyr.

     The time fixed by the committee was the 28th, 29th, and 30th of June, and the following programme was published

     Organization. Report of Commissioners on Conference Seminary. Discussion.

     The first named on each subject to deliver the address, the second to lead off in the discussion.

PLATTSMOUTH, June 28, 1870.     

     The Convention assembled in the 1st M. E. Church at 7 P. M.

     On motion of Rev. J. G. Miller, a permanent organization was effected by the election of Hon. G. W. Frost, as President, Hon. E. H. Rogers, Vice President, G. S. Alexander, Secretary and W. B. Slaughter, Assistant Secretary.

     On motion, E. H. Rogers, J. B. Maxfield and W. B. Slaughter were appointed a committee on credentials.

     On motion, the following were appointed a committee on resolutions.

     G. De La Matyr, of Omaha; E. H. Rogers, Fremont; J. J. Hostettler, Nebraska City.

     Moved by J. G. Miller, that we now hear any statements that may be made on the subject of the location of Conference Seminary.

     The Conference eommision (sic) on location of Seminary was requested to report to-morrow morning.

     Informal propositions were made by several parties and referred to the Conference commission.

     Outside parties were invited to represent locations.

     G. S. Alexander. requested the appointment of a special committee to consider a plan which he wished to submit.

     The committee was ordered and the chair appointed, E. H. Rogers, G. De La Matyr, W. B. Slaughter and J. B. Maxfield.

     On motion the President was requested to act with the committee.

     Convention adjourned to meet at 9 A. M. to-morrow.

WEDNESDAY, June 29, 1870.     

     Convention met at 9 1/2 A. M.. the President in the chair.

     Religious services were conducted by Rev. T. B. Lemon.

     Minutes were read and approved.

     Committee on credentials reported the following lay delegates, duly elected by their respective charges.

     T. M. Munhall H. Dexter--Ashland.

     S. B. Hobson, Benj. Austin--Mt. Pleasant.

     J. Bridenstein, H. Polin--Rock Bluffs.

     G. W. Frost--Omaha.

     J. Ritchie, J. R. Kennedy--Bellevue.

     E. H. Rogers--Fremont.

     J. J. Hostettler, J. H. Croxton--Nebraska City.

     0-. H. Black, B. Spurlock--Plattsmouth.

     Conference Commission reported as follows.

PLATTSMOUTH, June 29, 1870.     

     The commission appointed by the Nebraska Annual Conferance (sic) at its session in Fremont, March 31st to April 2nd, 1870, to consider the subject of the location of one, or more Conference Seminaries, and report to this Convention, beg leave to present the following

     Several very liberal propositions, have been made to the commission, and others of great promise have been suggested, but none of them sufficiently matured to warrant a recommendation to the convention for adoption.

     In view of these facts, we advise that the subject be left open for further correspondence and propositions, to be reported and considered at another meeting of this commission, to be held at Lincoln, 10 o'clock A. M., one day before the next session of the Nebraska Annual Conference, and that these propositions be invited in legal form.

     We also request the convention to appoint a committee of three laymen, one from each District to consult with this commission concerning all propositions that may come before it.

     The report was adopted and the following Laymen were elected, a committee according to its recommendation.

     B. H. Rogers, of Fremont, A. J. Cropsey, of Lincoln, and J. H. Croxton, Nebraska City.

     On motion the convention took up the regular order.

     Rev. H. T. Davis read an address on the subject of education, and its relation, especially to the church. (See Address.)

     An interesting discussion, opened with an able extemporary speech by J. B. Maxfield, followed the address.

     On motion it was resolved that copies of all written essays and addresses delivered before this convention be requested for publication.

     Moved that a Finance committee be appointed. Carried, and J. B. Maxfield, was appointed.

     Moved that the Secretaries be a committee to publish the proceedings of the convention. Carried.

     The following resolution was offered by W. B. Slaughter.

     Resolved--That it is the judgement of this convention, that the educational interests of our church, require the establishment of one denominational university in this State, the beginnings of which should be laid at the earliest practicable time, at the most central available point.

     Pending the resolution the convention adjourned.

WEDNESDAY, June 29th, 2 P. M.     

     Convention was opened with religious services conducted by Rev. H. T. Davis,

     The resolution under discussion was referred to the committee on resolutions.

     G. S. Alexander made a statement concerning the shcool (sic) established at Nebraska City, by the late lamented Rev. P. T. Kinney and now successfully operated by his daughters, and requested the appointment of visitors to that institution.

     The request of Bro. Alexander was granted and Rev. M. Pritchard, J. B. Maxfleld and H. T. Davis, were apppointed (sic).

     The regular order was taken up, and an address was read by G. De La Matyr, on The Relation of the State to common Schools.

     The following resolutions were submitted by the committee on resolutions

     Resolved, 1. That at all hazards our system of common schools, should be sustained in its integrity entirely independant (sic) of sectarian control.

     2. That we have no sympathy with the practice, that has grown up in some states, of donating State funds to sustain denominational schools and we hereby express the hope that no such action will ever be taken by the Legislature of Nebraska.

     Pending the resolutions, the discussion was participated in by Hon. B. H. Rogers, J. G. Miller, J. H. Croxton, G. W. Frost, H. Polin, John Ritchie.

     The resolutions were adopted.

     Rev. De La Matyr was excused from farther attendance upon the session of the convention.

     Bro. Lemon was appointed a standing committee on resolutions.

     Resolved that the convention adjourn sine die to-morrow at 3 P. M.

     Adjourned to 7-45 P. M.

WEDNESDAY Evening, June 29.     

     Convention met at 7-45. Evening.

     Devotional exercises were conducted by Hon. E. H. Rogers, of Fremont.

     Took up the order of business on the Programme, and listened to an address from Rev. W. B. Slaughter on the "relation of christian men to political questions and parties."

     The committee on resolutions reported the following, concerning the subject under discussion

     WHEREAS, Our government rests upon the virtue and intelligence of a majority of the people, and depends for its permanency upon the maintainance (sic) thereof,

     Therefore Resolved, 1st, It is not only the privilege but the imperative duty, of christian men to put forth every proper effort to secure in the political parties with which they act, the adoption of pure principles, and the advocacy of correct measures: and to this end we urge upon them the necessity of attending upon the primary meetings and nominating conventions of their respective parties, so that only men of intelligence, and known moral integrity may be put in nomination for office.

     2d, That at all hazards our system of common schools should he sustained in its integrity, entirely independant (sic) of sectarian control.

     3d, That it is the duty of every christian man, to meet the responsibilities devolved upon him as an American citizen, by the constitution and laws of our country.

     4th, That all christian denominations in the State of Nebraska, be invited to unite with us in our endeavor to purify political parties.

     5th, That the Secretary be requestee to furnish a copy of these resolutions to each Quarterly Conference and newspaper in the state.

     Rev. G. S. Alexander followed in an able speech, Rev. G. De La Matyr, M. Prithard, C. W. Comstock, L. W. Smith, J. H. Croxton, G. W. Frost, E. H. Rogers and J. J. Hostettler, participants in the discussion. Resolutions passed. The resolution on university, (see B.) was reported back from the committee on resolutions with the recommendation, that it pass. Passed.

     Voted to adjourn until to-morrow morning at 8 o'clock.

THURSDAY, June 30.     

     Convention met at, S A. M., Hon. G. W. Frost in the chair.

     Religious services conducted by W. B. Slaughter. An interesting address was read by Rev. T. B. Lemon, on the subject of church extention (sic). The necessity of the church extension society was exhibited by reference to the destitution, especially of the South and West. Its plans of operation were clearly set forth, and the claims of the society on the conference and liberality of the church were urged, as only Bro. Lemon could urge them.

     Rev. G. S. Alexander, followed Bro. Lemon, in a speech on the subject of appropriations.

     The following resolution was offered.

     Resolved, That we heartily approve the general work of the church extension society and will give to its support, our best efforts. Carried.

     Voted that we proceed to the next order on the Programme.

     An address was delivered by J. J. Roberts, on the subject of "Temperance and Polities." (The address was extemporaneous, and was clear, strong and forcible. We regret that we have received no copy for publication.--Secretary.) The committee on resolutions report the following.

     WHEREAS, Intemperance as it ever has been, is one of the most alarming evils of society, endangering the peace of communities--the safety of nations, the souls of men; therefore

     Resolved, 1st, We are altogether opposed to the sale and use of intoxicating liquors as a beverage and will use our best endeavors to secure the most thorough eradication of these evils from our community.

     An animated discussion followed, after which the resolution passed.

     Resolutions of thanks were adopted, as follows:

     Resolved, That our sincere thanks are due, and we hereby tender them, to those families whose kind hospitality has furnished us pleasant homes during our attendance at this convention.

     Resolved, That the thanks of this convention are hereby tendered to the Hon. G. W. Frost, of Omaha, and also to the Hon. E. H. Rogers of Fremont, for the able and impartial manner in which they have presided at this the first State Convention of the M. E. Church in Nebraska.

     Bro. Maxfield from committee on Finance reported $105. subscribed for printing. Voted that Bro. Maxfield serve as Treasurer and raise all the funds needed for the purpose. Voted that Bro. Slaughter serve as printing

committee. Voted that the printed report be distributed pro rata. Voted, that Bro. Alexander be requested to prepare a summary of the proceedings of the convention, for publication, and forward the same to the North Western and Central Christian Advocates.

     Voted that when we adjourn it be to meet at such time and place, as may be selected, by the next session of the Nebraska Conference. Voted that a committee of three laymen be appointed to co-operate with a like committee of the clergy, to be selected from the conference at its next session, to make arrangements for the convention. Voted to adjourn sine die.

     Bro. Lemon concluded the convention with devotional exercises.

GEO. S. ALEXANDER,    
Secretary.

     A theme has been given me by the committee of arrangements on which to speak. It is a theme of immense magnitude--a theme just now being agitated in every village, in every city, in every church throughout this great land of ours. And as it is a theme in which we are all deeply interested--one which is stirring our nation to day, as it never stirred any nation before, I freely give you a few of my thoughts upon this all important and all adsorbing subject. Error has always been opposed to truth as light has always been opposed to darkness. But we are told that "Truth is mighty and will prevail." To an extent it has prevailed--it still prevails--and will ultimately prevail over the last vestige of error. Light will triumph over all darkness, chase away all gloom, and intelligence will sit in serenest (sic) majesty and lovliness (sic) upon the ruins of ignorance. If therefore a sanctified intelligence is to overcome error, remove ignorance and clothe the world with beauty, then it is a subject in which we all ought to have the deepest and most lively interest. The thoughts to which your attention is invited are.

      1st, Education is the safe-guard of the family, the safe-guard of the Nation, the safe-guard of the church.

     The Church is the origin, and grand moving power of Education. Perhaps none will deny that a sanctified literature is the great bulwork (sic), of the domestic circle. Go among the wild Indians of America, and what do you find? You find social degradation and death. The women are the most object slaves. These aborigines know nothing of literature, of science, or art. They know nothing of the scriptures of Divine truth. They are an ignorant, deluded and degraded people. They have never felt the elevating, refining and hallowing influences of a sanctified literature. They are unacquainted with the social joy derived from this source.

     Go down into Mexico, into Central America and South America, and all through these lands to a greater or less extent you will find a mongrel race.

     I was once in Central America. I saw the natives of that land, and I was told the same class of people might be found North of them in Mexico, Arizona and New Mexico, and still further South of them. They were the most repulsive class of beings I ever beheld. They were a mixture of the white, the red and the black. In the same family might be found persons of almost every color. Some almost white, some of a dark hue and some as black as tar. These people are an ignorant people and are entire strangers to social bliss.

     The same state of affairs is found in India, China, Egypt and Africa. According to our late Bishop Kingsley's statements the social fabric of India and China is a fabric of rottenness, decay and death. How different is the state of things where we find a sanctified literature--where we find intelligence and refinement. Here is social joy; the family is invested with its sacredness and sanctity and a charm is thrown around the domestic circle that the heathen is an entire stranger to, each one feels that these earthly ties of his, so strong and tender, are never to be severed. They are not only ours in this world but they are ours forever. Though we may part with them for a while, we shall see them again, we shall live with them, we shall commune with them, we shall be bound to them with the tender cords of love. We shall travel with them over Heaven's flowery plains, beneath Heaven's shady bowers, and along Heaven's rolling streams. O, it is this thought that throws around the family such a charm. These immortals that now cluster around us, are ours forever. Give the people a sanctified education, and you invest the family with its sacredness and throw around the domestic circle an impregnable bulwark.

     2d, Education is the safe-guard of the nation. Education in its fullest and widest extent, is the palladium of our great American institutions. Free thought, free speech, free schools, and a free press, are things that we as an American people have always been proud of. To bind the conscience, trammel thought, fetter the intellect, or oppose the must perfect freedom of

speech, are anti-christian and anti-American. Hence every thing that tends in the least to this should be watched with a vigilant eye. An effort is now being made to wrest from our nation its mightiest weapon of safety. A blow has been struck, aimed at the very vitals of our Republic. An insidious foe is at work to sap the foundation of the noblest and fairest nation on which the sun ever shone Let the system of American education be overthrown, and the main pillar of our Republic is gone.

     If this be true, and no man who has given the subject thought will for a moment deny them, those who have no interest in the great subject of education, are devoid of true patriotism. Do you love your country? Do you love the glorious stars and stripes? Do you love the name of liberty? Do you love this fair land with its free institutions its civil liberty, and its religious privileges? Do you love this country of yours, with its mountains and plains, with its hills and valleys, with its lakes and streams with its steam ears and telegraphs, with its Seminaries, its Coleges (sic), and Universities and all the mighty and valuable improvements of the age? If so, then you will be interested, deeply interested, in that which is its main pillar and mightiest bulwark--Education.

     Thirdly--Education is the safe-guard of the church. The religion of our Lord Jesus Christ never suffered by close examination--it looses none of its beauty by the strictest scrutiny. On the other hand the more it is examined the more beautiful does it appear and the more is it admired. As the precious metal shines with a brighter luster the more it is polished, so our holy christianity shines with a clearer radiance and a sublimer beauty the more thoroughly it is understood. It only needs to be studied to be admired, to be loved, and to be reverenced. Christianity, and Education in the very highest degree go hand in hand--Ignorance is the greatest enemy of the church. It is more to be feared now than any other one thing. Christianity is a foe to ignorance. It spurns with contempt the old dogma, that "Ignorance is the mother of devotion." God says to the Minister, "Study to show thyself approved unto God, a workman that needeth not to be ashamed."

      Christ says, not only to the ministry, but to the laity, to every man and woman and child "Search the scriptures for in them ye think ye have eternal life." And yet, in the face of this broad command, some would put a padlock upon the eyes and hearts, and consciences of the masses of the people. It has been done--it still is done, and it is one of the great curses, of the world to-day. Rome dreads the light--she loves darkness because her deeds are evil. She fears more than anything else the system of American Education; hence she has aimed a deadly blow at this system, knowing that its destruction will be the success of Romanism, its success the downfall of Romanism and the triumph of Protestantism.

     Let our common school system be preserved intact. Let our educational facilities be multiplied and increased on every hand and protestantism has nothing to fear. Our glorious church will rise--her light will shine, the people will gather to her altars--they will be seen coming as a cloud--"as doves to their windows." But let our system of Education be overthrown and Smithfield fires may again be kindled, the inquisition established in our midst reeking with human gore. And my friends, do you love the church of the Lord Jesus Christ? Do you love her altars, her ordinances, and her privileges. Can you adopt the sentiment of the bard and say:

"I love thy church O God!

   Her walls before thee stand,

Dear as the apple of thine eye.

   And graven on thy hand,

For her my tears shall fall

   For her my prayers ascend

To her my cares and toils be given

   Till toils and cares shall end,

Beyond my highest joys

   I prize her heavenly ways;

Her sweet communion, solemn vows

   Her hymns of love and praise."

     If this is the sentiment of your heart, then we say labor with untireing (sic) zeal and energy for the promotion of education, for the disseminating of a pure literature, and thus keep around the church a mighty and a glorious defense. The safe-guard of the family, the safe-guard of the nation, the safeguard of the church is free thought, free speech, a free press, free schools, free literature for the masses of the people. Free, not only for males but females also.

     SECONDLY.--The church is the origin and great moving power of education. As the keystone is to the arch, as the foundation is to the superstructure, as the locomotive is to the train of cars, so is the church to the cause of education. This is evident from history and experience. The first science extensively cultivated in Caldea was Astronomy, and this was done by men who watched the stars for the purpose of regulating their religious festivals. They soon discovered a regularity among the planets and science received her birth. It is true these men were idolaters, but it was their religion that led them to the discovery and developement (sic) of this science.

     Go into Egypt and the highest principles of science were taught by the priests. They were the leaders. This was the case from Egypt and Caldea down to Greece. In fact it was the case until the advent of the Savior.

     And what is the history, of Education since the christian era? "As soon as christianity obtained power over the masses, she began to found schools, in harmony with Jewish schools." And the resting places of the fathers were made great by their institutions of learning.

Christianity labored, wherever she erected the cross, to erect the standard of science.

     When darkness overspread Europe there were no colleges. The proud days of papal empire, were without literary institutions. Rome tried to keep the earth in darkness, and from the Pontiff that sat upon her throne, she declared the earth did not move, and excommunicated the philosophers who dared to say that the earth was in motion. She employed faggots and the inquisitorial rack, and she said the earth did not move and so far as her chances were concerned should not move. But in spite of racks and faggots, and Popes bulls, the earth moved on, and the people learned the great fact. About this time Luther arose. And says one. "The strong arch of the firmament was then without a star of literary light." Luther lit his torch and the darkness that overspread the earth began to give away.

     Seminaries for the education of the young began to be permanently established, and as the reformation advanced these institutions of learning multiplied. And as christianity increases seminaries, colleges, and universities increase. These institutions of learning to-day are crowning our hills and dotting our plains and crowding our cities, and the people of all christendom are becoming educated.

     "We are compelled to admit as a fact of history," says Coloridge, we owe the largest part of our present knowledge, directly or indirectly, to the Bible, and that christianity, however much we may neglect it, or turn aside to quote other guides, has been the main lever by which the moral and intellectual character of Europe has been raised to its present height."

      We ask, where is the intelligence of the world to-day? It is not in heathen lands; it is not in India, China, Japan or South America, but it is in christian America, and christian Europe.

     Where are all the valuable improvements of the world? not in heathen, but in christian lands. Science and literature and art, genius and enterprise, are not in heathen but in christian lands.

     The safe-guard of the family, the nation and the church is education, and the cause of education is committed to the hands of the church. And as we, who are members of the M. B. Church, of the State of Nebraska, compose a part of the universal church of our Lord Jesus Christ, to us is committed, in this new and rising land, a great and important work.

     Born and nurtured in a college, Methodism has never forgotten her birthplace. Mr. Wesley and his coadjutors labored to found institutions of learning, and among the finest institutions of learning in England to-day are those belonging to the Wesleyan Methodists.

     The early ministers of Methodism in America labored to establish schools and colleges, and their labor was not in vain.

     I rejoice that the mantle of our fathers have fallen upon their sons. I rejoice too, that the brightest literary lights of America are in the hands of the M. B. Church.

     And, my brethren of Nebraska, shall we be behind our sister States in this great and important work? Hitherto we have done nothing. As a church we cannot point to a single seminary, a single academy, or a single college. I am sorry for it. The past, however, is gone; we will not mourn over the past. Only let us in the future be more diligent in the cause of education. Let us select some central point, and unite our influence and energy in building up an institution of learning that will be an honor to the church to which we belong, and a credit to the young and rising State in which we live. Then we may found seminaries in different parts of the State that will be feeders to the university. And lastly, let us give our warmest support and our most hearty cooperation to the common school system of the State.

     The founders of our government, ventured upon the experiment of resting it on the moral sentiment of a majority of the people. They framed a constitution which regards men only in those high endowments which distinguish rational and responsible beings. They made the sublime fact, that all men in their essential rights, are created equal, the central truth, the essence of the fundamental law. They ignored all special hereditary polltical (sic) privileges. They founded a government-not for rich men, or aristocratic men, or white men--but for men, for the people.

     Such a government must rest upon the hearts of a majority of the people. As soon as the power of a government is centralised (sic), it of necessity becomes a first-class government. Up to the time when our fathers ventured upon their experiment all governments had rested on the assumption that a few distinguished by birth, are divinely commissioned to rule the many. It is true, that the states of Greece from their intense intellectual light had reflected the image of freedom, but only an image that appeared and vanished. The real incarnation of liberty was to be from the union of intellectual with religious light.

     It is also true that the Whigs of England had taught that the reigning families had received their right to the obedience of mankind originally from the people by contract, but they acknowledged the contracts to be perpetually binding. The underlying assumption of the universal theory of government was that human society is to (sic) hopelessly depraved to be controlled except by a centralised (sic) power. Our fathers trusted in the power of religious principle, embodied in the christian church, to so elevate the moral sentiment of the people that they could govern themselves.

     The great question which has agitated the political sphere of the civilized world, since the inauguration of our form of government has been: Is a government based upon the hearts of the people, strong enough to pass through all the vicissitudes of national life?

     The framers of the constitution, were themselves deeply impressed with a sense of the awful responsibility they assumed. Those cautious, well instructed men, were impelled by a divine inspiration so far upon untrodden ground that they were startled at their own work, and they ever watched it with tremulous solicitude. The most gifted and purest statesmen of the next generation shared a like anxiety. The thrilling words in which Webster expressed his fear and resolve are fresh in our memories. In the peroration of the most masterly speech ever delivered in a political forum he said: "I shall exert every faculty I possess. in aiding to prevent the constitution from being nullified, destroyed or impaired; and even should I see it fall, I will still, with a voice feeble it may be, but earnest as ever fell from human lips, and with fidelity and zeal which nothing shall extinguish, call upon the people to come to its rescue. When mine eyes are turned to behold for the last time the sun in heaven, may I not see him shining upon the broken and dishonored fragments of a once glorious Union." There was and still is ground for profound apprehension. The responsibility which God, through our fathers, has laid upon us, is so immense, that any just conception of it, must awaken and keep alive the deepest solicitude.

      Never was the saying--" eternal vigilance is the price of liberty"--more applicable than now, and to us.

     The sublime mission to which, as a nation, we are called, is, to embody, express and maintain the highest form of civilization. God provided for the execution of this high behest when he laid the foundations of the earth. This vast continent, with its measureless capacities and resources, was evidently formed for its theatre. For more than fifty-five centuries it was veiled from civilized man, that in the fullness of time, it might become the field for the grand achievement. It was necessary to hide this country, until the earlier and preparatory forms of civilization had accomplished the

development of a people sufficiently wise and virtuous to unfold and sustain the latest, and fifty-five hundred years were none to long a period for this result.

     It ought to heighten our appreciation of the important part we are acting in the unfolding purposes of Providence, to be reminded that so many ages with all their revolutions in human affairs, with all their wastes and woes, were the necessary processes of preparation for its introduction.

     It was from the crushing despotism which the papal power had laid on the souls of man, that a few individuals finely broke away, asserting the right to worship the Creator, according to the dictates of the individual conscience. That right is the foundation of all liberty, and its assertion was an epoch it the World's progress. It was for its maintainance (sic) that the Pilgrims came to these shores. By the direction, of Providence, through them our institutions were founded upon this "rock of ages." It was when that fearless band of men and women, kneeled in the snow, on the shore of an unmapped ocean, and the border of an unbroken wilderness, while the roar of waves and the rush of wintry winds thundered music that the new civilization for which the world had prayed and waited was inaugurated.

     Our "revolutionary fathers" were inspired by the consciousness that that the essential rights of human nature were committed to their keeping, and they were acting for mankind. It was this, perhaps not clearly defined consciousness, that caused them to subject themselves to a hundred-fold more of physical and social discomfort, than the severest measures of the British Parliament and King could have inflicted upon their generation.

     The great struggle through which we have recently passed was important, not because the interests of four million of slaves were decided by it, nor because it settled the question whether there should be two governments on this territory or no. These ends, in themselves considered, were "less than the small dust of the ballances" beside the great issue at stake. Is mankind capable of sustaining a government of equal rights, with its power confided to their hearts? was the great question being tested.

     Back of that lay another issue of higher significance still. The ability of christianity, when permitted free access to a people, defended, but neither controlled or supported by the government, to lift and keep a people to that level of intelligence and virtue at which they will sustain such a government, was tested. It was because these questions were at issue that the supporters of the old theory, threw their moral influence, and all the material power they dared into the scale against us. It was eagerness to have them negatived, that caused Lord Russel--voicing the hopes of them all--to "publish through the palaces of Europe that the great Republic

was in its agony." It was because the struggling people of other lands saw the real issue that they watched us with such awful anxiety. Victor Hugo expressed their feelings when he wrote: " If liberty should fall in America there would be a shipwreck of humanity--a frightful deluge." Most of our politicians, trained in the belittling schools of party, had no appreciation of the issue. Some of them said, it is only a flurry; it will pass over in sixty days." Others vexed their souls about the technicalities of the constitution. And still others could see nothing but the interests of the slaves at stake.

     But the great heart of the people, which in this christian land beats in accord with the purposes of God, instinctively felt the pressure of the awful crisis.

     Feeling, it caused them to sacrifice partisanship to patriotism, and ungrudgingly to lay the acquired and prospective wealth of the nation on its alter, and with bleeding, quivering hearts to send forth to the hazards of war three millions of their noblest sons. Inspired by it they rose from each defeat with a firmer purpose and augmented might, until after four years of unparalelled (sic) sacrifices they deliberately resolved to fight and suffer four years longer if necessary.

     The intelligence and virtue of a majority of the people of the States which rallied to the "stars and stripes" and fought under them with resistless purpose, saved the new form of government.

     The free pulpits, free presses and free schools--a mighty trinity--had developed, and through the entire trial sustained the moral sentiment which triumphed.

     Our system of free schools for all the children and youth of the country is the help-meet of religion in the work of diffusing among the masses light and virtue. It was the offspring of christianity, and must be supported by it. It cannot be dispensed with, any more than religious worship. The two combined are the support of the moral sentiment on which only can our form of government rest.

      Piety alone would fail, because a pious people if ignorant, would become the dupes and instruments of designing men.

     Unenlightened religious sentiment has proved the strongest bulwark of despotism, in many instances, in the world's dark history. Intelligence without virtue would fail, because it would only add power to selfishness.

     The most bitter, determined and powerful foe of our civilization is the Church of Rome. That mighty power has ruled millions for ages by controlling their religious sentiments. It has held the religious sentiments of men by keeping their minds in ignorance. It now sways the ignorant

masses of Europe; they are being attracted to our shores by the hundred thousand.

     Our common school system is loosening the hold of popery from the children of these thousands.

     The astute leaders of the Church are thoroughly alarmed. They know full well that the only hope for popery in this country is in the overthrow of that system. This they explicitly declare.

     Arch Bishop McCluskey says; "I can answer that, so far as our Catholic children are concerned, the workings of the public school system have proved, and do prove, highly detrimental to their faith and morals." The Catholic Telegraph says: "It will be a glorious day for Catholics in this country when under the blows of justice and morality our school system shall be shattered to pieces."

     The Freeman's Journal says: " Let the public school system go to where it came from--the devil," and it adds, "this subject contains in it the whole questions of the progress and triumph of the Catholic Church in this country, in the next generation."

     These are the distinct and intelligible utterances of the leaders of Romanism. That the whole power of the church is being arranged against our common schools, there can be no doubt. The idea of dividing the public money between all the sects of the christian church, and all those who hold different phases of religious belief and unbelief, is too chimerical to be held a moment.

     The fact which makes the Catholics formidable in this movement is that they act as a unit. In the State of New York they hold the balance of power between the political parties. Since 1846 they have obtained $3,903,000 from the State and city treasuries for church purposes. During this time less than $200,000 has been given from these treasuries to the various sects of the Protestant church. It is now a notorious fact that this Roman heirachy (sic) rule the "Empire State." Voting as a unit, they dictate to parties and are obeyed.

     Other facts just now combine with this one to augment the danger. The spirit of emigration is the presiding genius of the old world at this time. The ignorant masses of Asia as well as of Europe have heard of the land of promise, and they are throwing off the weight of despair which the oppressions of ages has laid upon them, and they are coming--coming in ever increasing numbers. From the freedmen of the South have fallen the shackles which bound them in ignorance, and they are invested with the rights of citizens.

     Seeing the facts combining, we must be impressed that our power to keep the average moral sentiment of the nation at the level, which will save the

mission God has given us from disaster and failure, is to be severely tested again. The very foundation of our liberties and national life are in peril, as in the contest with secession.

     If our common school system falls, then liberty falls in America" and the "frightful shipwreck of humanity" which Victor Hugo feared will follow.

     I repeat, the immensity of interests imperilled (sic) must awaken a deep and tremulous solicitude in every thoughtful mind.

     The responsibility of arresting the danger rests mainly upon the Protestant church. Religious principle is the deepest foundation of our national fabric, and that principle finds its only embodiment in Protestant christianity. Protestant christians driver from Europe by the spirit of persecution, which had its incarnation in the papacy, laid the substratim (sic) of piety and intelligence, and must prevent it being removed or disturbed, and must extend it as the temple of freedom is enlarged The State controls the public schools, but the State is only the expression of the public sentiment, and the church must control that sentiment.

     We shall need to husband and use all our resources. We should combine all branches of the church. Our own highly favored branch ought, in a generous spirit, to lead in the high endeavor. Our work is in part to prevent the Romish heirachy (sic) from tampering with the school system. We must give politicians distinctly to understand, that while we only ask of the government protection for ourselves, we demand and will have impartial treatment. If any party bends to Rome for its political support, we must combine protestantism against that party. Another, and perhaps more important phase of our duty is the diffusion of light and virtue through the increasing masses by every means within our power.

     The christian's calling, is at once, the most exalted and the most responsible on earth.

     Our Lord Jesus Christ declared, "Ye are the light of the world," and "Ye are the salt of the earth."

     Thus he announces the excellence and the importance of their vocation.

     By divine appointment they are the instructors of mankind, and the living exemplars of true moral virtue; and thus they are the true conservatives among men.

     Whatever is impure, false or harmful to man, the christian man must be against. He cannot be otherwise. The antagonism is inevitable. It is the essential antagonism of good and evil, which existed before he was born. He can cease to be against the evil only by ceasing to be a christian man.

     Between him and whatever is pure, and true and good, there is an essential agreement. His own life is the divine fruit of that agreement.

     These are fundamental postulates. No generalization involving the christian life is admissible, if it proceed on other grounds.

     In the light of these principles I proceed to the discussion of the subject assigned me.

     Let us settle first the meaning of terms. What is apolitical question? I answer, any question of State policy; i. e. any question of domestic government or foreign intercourse. Political questions may be of vast magnitude, as affecting the condition of vast multitudes of men, or of comparitively (sic) trifling importance, as affecting but a limited number. Again the interest of a political question may arise chiefly out of its moral character, The worship of God may, itself, be made a political question. For whenever the State, by which I mean the national power, undertakes in any way to regulate matters of worship, to prescribe forms of observance, or to dictate, to individuals in any matters of faith, there the whole subject of religion is made a political subject. Religious questions, when determined by the government, are political questions. In some countries it may be a political offense to worship God according to Christian forms. In Rome, the self-styled capital of christendom, Christianity is permitted only such development as is in harmony with the supposed interests of the temporal power. In England the ecclesiastical machinery is a part of the common law. In many lands the church is closely allied to the state.

     In all such cases almost all questions of ecclesiastical policy are, of necessity, political questions.

     But it is not of these cases, that I am expected to treat. What is the relation of the christian man, in this country, under our Republican form of government, to political questions?

     Let it be premised that, in this country, each christian man is, himself, an integer in the government. To the extent of his ability and influence he is responsible for its character. Its fundamental law is what the people make it, and he is one of the people. It is the deliberate, the well considered expression of the public virtue.

     In the right to give expression to his views and to exert his influence in shaping the government under which he is to live, he is the equal of every other man.

     Moreover he has as real and as great a stake in the government as any other man. His life, his personal liberty, his property, his social status, his family-are as dear to him, and are as much entitled to the protection of government, as are those of other men. What shall be the inheritance of his children, materially, socially, politically and morally, is a question of as great moment to him as to any other man.

     Again. The Christian man is quite as much concerned for the honor of his country as any other man can be. His country's integrity, wealth, power, and influence among the nations are beyond price in his estimation.

     But beyond and above all mere temporal interests he esteems the favor of God, the one ruler over all. He recognizes Him as the ruler of nations as well as of men. That the Almighty ruler "Removeth kings and setteth up kings," is an unquestioned truth of the Christian system. And this is only another form of saying that the divine Providence builds up nations and overthrows nations. In the divine plan it appears to be all one whether the sovereign power of a nation be with one man or with the whole people. Responsibility is lodged with power. But in an important sense the whole people are held to responsibility for the conduct of the government even when the head of it is an absolute monarch. He not only rules, but he also represents the people.

     In nothing is God's word more explicit than in the denunciation of national wickedness, and the assertion of the divine authority over nations. Nowhere is prophecy more marked and the fulfillment of prophecy more distinguishable in history, than in those eases in which the prophecy relates to nations. The Assyrian empire, the Medo Persian, the Grecian, and the Roman, were instances, successively, of the divine intervention. They successively arose by the favor of Providence and they fell by his wrath. The national life, when conformed to the principles of righteousness is vigorous, and successful. In all ages it has been true, and it will always continue to be true in all time to come. "Righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is a reproach to any people."

      All sin is essentially destructive. "They that sow to the flesh, shall of the flesh reap corruption" is the decree of him who constituted all things

     Wickedness, whether in the individual or in the commonwealth, disorganizes. States decay, as well as things. Nothing disintegrates the social body like sin. Society is coherent in proportion to the prevalence of right.

     Even the worst classes, observe the maxims of justice among themselves and thus hold together, while professionally disregarding those maxims as to all other men, and thus separating themselves from society. Hence the adage. "There is honor among thieves." hence, too, the gambling fraternity count a debt incurred in gambling more sacred than any other debt. Integrity is thus made a very limited virtue, yet its absolute necessity, within the prescribed circle, to the continued existence of that circle, is thus recognized.

     Mutual confidence is only the faith of each in the truth of others. among bad men it has reference to truth to each other only. It is the christian's earnest desire that truth shall prevail everywhere, and mutual confidence then will be the universal bond of society.

     But we must not lose sight of the fact that the Almighty requires this of men, and that his providence enforces his requirements. His providence enforces it. Be ye righteous, is Heaven's command to nations. "Righteousness exalteth a nation," is Heaven's positive assurance. But against a nation of evil doers his denunciation is, "I will utterly pluck up and destroy that nation, saith the Lord." Now how stands the case of the intelligent Christian man in the United States? He has the divine record, containing, in many forms of utterance, the divine claim upon human governments. He remembers that he is a part of the government itself. He reflects that he is so, by providential appointment. His freedom, his citizenship, his elective franchise; all are providential trusts. For the honest, consciencious (sic) and intelligent exercise of his right of suffrage he is responsible to God. A ballot, when weighed or measured, is a very little thing; but, when east into the box, it is a unit of power. It is the utteranc (sic) of a sovereign on questions of government.

     The christian should not excuse himself from his appropriate share of these responsibilities. He has no right to make of himself a cipher, God has made him a positive power in society. He should recognize the responsibility which his ability brings with it, and should act accordingly.

     In a very important sense every christian man ought to be a politician. He ought to make himself acquainted with the principles of government; with the history of government, especially as related to his own land; with the constitution and laws under which he lives, and in the mantainance (sic) of which, he is called to use his franchise as a citizen; and with the measures proposed for future adoption by the people. Touching many of these measures he maybe able to act on the simple ground of expediency. There may be great financial questions on which he may cast the weight of his influence, the one way or the other, without compromising his Christianity. But when questions arise, involving principles of morality, then his duty is manifest. He shall never hesitate to place himself on the side of right.

     Political parties arise on political questions. The relation of the christian man to parties will be. such as is his relation to the political questions. The unintelligent and unthinking man, following the lead of other men, will be satisfied with such knowledge of the questions at issue, as he may gain from the representations of his political leaders. The questions are often misstated. The bearings of them are misrepresented. He follows the lead of the designing men who thus mis-state and misrepresent. This man's relation to party is simply that of a blind follower; his relation to the questions is that of a credulous dupe.

     Even christian men are sometimes partizans (sic) after this fashion. And 1 have noticed that they are often most zealous partizans (sic) also. They do not err in magnifying the importance of their franchise; they do err in omitting to become fully worthy of it. They work for party, they exult in party triumph. They can give you a reason why. It is their party. And why is it their party? Because it always was their party. And they glory in being true as steel to their party. But alas in being true to the party, they are sometimes untrue to Christ.

     A party may have become histeric (sic). Arising on principles dear to the popular heart, it has achieved success and had an illustrous (sic) career. Its name has the prestige of its deeds. They who shared in its achievements adhere to its fortunes, and inspire in their children their own devotion to it.

     Something akin to the sentiment of national glory is this enthusiasm of party. It is hard to believe the glorious old party capable of corruption. It is hard to abandon a party we have loved so much.

      But it is unsafe for the christian man to love his party unwisely. Parties degenerate. Corrupt men manage to obtain control of them and direct them to their own selfish ends.

     The least a christian man can do, in this case is to resist evil tendencies in his party. If the tide of evil becomes too strong so that the party commits itself to an iniquitous policy, then he should abandon it. If there is another party whose principles are pure let him work with it. If there be none, let him make one. But let him not abandon the field. Let him not cease to be interested in the political issues of his times. Let him not turn over to corrupt men the management of all public affairs.

     What is most needed in this land to-day, is that the christian men of the nation shall act together politically in the interest of morality. Christianity ought to hold the balance of power, so that it could say to all political parties "We, christians are a unit against whatever party commits itself to wickedness, or suffers itself to be led by bad men. For a political trickster we will not vote. For a drunkard, or a libertine, or a gambler, or a liar we

     Will not vote. If our party will put such men forward for office then we will vote against our party. For a man who has once betrayed his trust as a public officer we will never, no never vote."

     Let it be known that, in the day that a candidate for office seeks the votes of degraded men by visiting grogeries, by consorting with drunkards arid by distributing bribes in the form of intoxicating drinks; in that day he forfeits the support of christaian (sic) men, and that they will enforce the forfeit. Let this be the fact. And then let it be known.

     The man who bids at all, for the votes of corrupt classes will bid his last principle. Nothing will be too sacred to be bartered for votes. The same thing is true of party. When a party begins to bid for the votes of bad men, it is already debauched. Little by little it will yield to the demands of the vicious, until it will have abandoned all its strongholds of principle. Flow can a christian man abide within its pale?

     We do not say a christian should not be a partisan. But we say that, in him, the partizan (sic) should always be subordinate to the christian. On one point let us be specially guarded. We would not ally the church and state. We would not suffer the state to favor any church more than another. We would not even ask of the state any advantage for the common christianity over any other religion. All we would ask is a fair field. Let christianity wrestle without favors and without disabilities, against all error. It is enough.

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