The state board of health was
established, consisting of the governor, attorney-general,
and superintendent of public instruction; and the act
provided that the board should have four physicians as
secretaries to assist and advise it. A "Girls' Industrial
School for Juvenile Delinquents" was established at Geneva,
on condition that forty acres of land should be donated
therefor; and an appropriation was made of $40,000 for the
erection of buildings and maintenance. The sum of $100,000
was appropriated from the state treasury "for the immediate
relief of the drouth stricken counties of the state of
Nebraska." A "relief commission" was created by the same
act, consisting of Samuel M. Elder, Luther P. Ludden, R. R.
Greer, Louis Meyer, George W. Martin, John Fitzgerald,
Andrew J. Sawyer, Charles W. Mosher, J. W. Hartley, W. N.
Nason. The act provided that county commissioners, county
clerks, and sheriffs should distribute supplies furnished by
the relief commission. Bonds to the amount of $100,000, to
run five years at four per cent interest, were authorized;
and the governor was empowered to appoint, with the consent
of the senate, a "board of relief" of nine members, who
should sell the bonds and deposit the proceeds in the state
treasury for the use of the relief commission. A tax of
one-eighth of a mill was levied for the interest and
principal of the relief bonds. County boards were authorized
to use the surplus general funds of the county to buy food,
fuel, seed grain, and food for teams and sell them to the
needy families at cost, taking promissory notes running
three years with interest payable annually. County boards
were also authorized to issue bonds, not to exceed in amount
three per cent of the assessed valuation of the county or
$20,000 in the aggregate, for providing seed and feeding
teams for raising crops in 1891. This authority required a
majority vote, and the bonds were to be payable in ten years
and draw interest at a rate not over seven per cent. A
depository law which was destined to cause much loss and
trouble was passed. It authorized state and county
treasurers to deposit current funds in state or national
banks, three per cent interest to be paid therefor on daily
balances. Personal bonds approved by the governor, secretary
of state, and attorney-general were required. It was bad
policy on general principles to loan public money upon
personal bonds, but the conjunction of drouth and panic
illustrated this truth in an unexpected and harmful manner.
The sum of $50,000 was appropriated for an exhibit at the
World's Columbian Exposition, and the governor was
authorized to appoint six commissioners, two from each
congressional district and two of them from each of three
parties, with compensation of $5 a day for actual time
devoted to duties, and traveling expenses. The sum of
$24,000 was appropriated to pay the militia and its
maintenance, and $13,200 for railroad transportation on
account of the Wounded Knee Indian campaign. The sum of $300
was allowed to each executive officer for attorney's fees in
the election contest, Majors getting $125 for witness and
sheriff's fees also; to John H. Powers $300 for attorney
fees and $250 for witness and sheriff's fees; to Boyd $100
and Dech $125 for witness and sheriff's fees; and from $250
to $350 each to eleven notaries public and lesser sums to
two others; also $5,000 for reporting and transcribing
testimony.
It was left to the so-called revolutionary
populist movement to respond in a material or practical way
to the long continued popular demand for railroad
legislation; and, notwithstanding the doubtful propriety of
reform by this necessarily somewhat crude method, the
measure at least deserves that credit. The Newberry bill (H.
R. 12), so called because it was introduced by
Representative Newberry, was passed in the house by a vote
of 78 to 17 and in the senate by 23 to 7.
Boyd belonged to the class, distinctive at
the time, known as railroad men; so that his veto of the
bill was not a surprise but, on the contrary, was expected.
Notwithstanding that the bill was necessarily crude in form
and that it might be unfair to the railroads, yet it was the
deliberate response to the explicit demand of the majority
party represented in the legislature, and also to the
republican platform. The veto, therefore, was in derogation
of the spirit of modern representative government,
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